Tuesday, November 29, 2011

The two pillars of the world's future

By YUJI MIYAMOTO
Special to The Japan Times

Our world is about to be transformed. It is too early to tell what changes will come about. Yet, there is a premonition that the future relationship between America and China will set the course for the entire world.

America and China must relate in a manner that is not confrontational and destructive; their relationship must be one that contributes to the harmonious development of the community of mankind. No one will oppose such a conclusion. The question is, how do we realize this goal?
Rapid economic development has caused dramatic changes in Chinese society. China has finally caught up to the point that it now has America in its sight, re-emerging as a world power both in name and substance. The tremendous change that has taken place in China is a sign that its logic and action can no longer be contained within the framework envisioned by Deng Xiaoping, the master architect of modern China. The country has begun to wander in search for a new national image and identity.
Stories that have China taking calculated steps to rule the world based on some grand strategy do not reflect the reality faced by the country. China itself has been unable to reach a conclusion, much less decide on the focus of its search. The debate is on, but has yet to enter a stage of full-blown discussion.

When it comes to economic issues, we can safely say that China sees eye to eye with the rest of us. It is hard to imagine China destroying the existing global economic order from which it has gained maximum benefit. However, geopolitics is another issue altogether. Will mankind remain constrained by the fatalistic view that an economic power will ultimately become a military power, and that an emerging power will inevitably challenge the existing superpower?

I believe there is a way out. Both America and China must escape such fatalism, and I think they can. Once they clearly realize the responsibility and mission they have been entrusted with in the context of human history, the answer will come naturally.

Let us start with China. If it is seeking to create a global geopolitical order "with Chinese characteristics," it follows that China must denounce the hegemonistic approach. After all, hasn't China been the harshest critic of American hegemonistic behavior over the years?

The Way of Might and the Way of Right have their origins in the teachings of Mencius, which describes "one who claims righteousness through might" as a hegemon and "one who exercises right through virtue" as a true ruler (king). These words carry great weight in Chinese values. Any mention of the Way of Right is immediately met with comments that it is premised on the view of a world order that existed hundreds of years ago in East Asia, which pitted the Chinese against barbarians and formed the basis of tribute offering relationships.

This ancient worldview has no place in the present. Today, in a world where America and Europe, India, Russia and Japan have appeared in the same arena, it is impossible to envision China ruling the world as its center in any foreseeable future. Such a worldview is distinctively rooted in culture and civilization. It presupposes a superior culture and civilization on the part of China. While that may come true, it will be an infinitely time consuming process.

China cannot revert to a world order that is hundreds of years old. And that being so, it should come up with a new universal principle and contribute to the development of a global civilization. It is completely acceptable for China to present the Way of Right rooted in its classical thinking as a principle. That would indeed demonstrate the significance of China's rise to power in the history of civilization.

Let us now turn to America. It is my belief that America is destined to contribute to the advancement of global civilization. We should consider America not as an ordinary country but as a "smaller version of the world." Anyone who agrees with the principles championed by America can become its citizen, demonstrate their talents and contribute to social development. It was this capacity to accept and exploit diversity that propelled America into its leadership position in the world.

America is a "melting pot" where people with varied cultural backgrounds combine to create an American culture that has made a considerable impact on global civilization. And the proportion of non-Europeans continues to grow within the American population.

I have always considered America — a smaller version of our world — as a grand "testing ground" for the entire human population on earth. It is a testing ground where diverse peoples coexist, cooperate and create innovation. If this experiment succeeds in America, there is hope that mankind may succeed on a global scale. If it fails, mankind can expect no bright future. America exemplifies the future of mankind.

Such is the position held by America. China meanwhile has a unique civilization dating back thousands of years. These two countries must clearly recognize their grave responsibility to human history, and think and act accordingly. They must share the concept of co-evolution as described by Henry Kissinger — or the principle of learning from each other and evolving together. Japan and the rest of the world should actively participate in this process, because what we are seeking to create is a "global civilization" for the entire world.
 
Yuji Miyamoto, chairman of Miyamoto Institute of Asian Research, is Japan's former ambassador to China. This article originally appeared in the bulletin of the English-Speaking Union of Japan.
 

In Myanmar trip, US seeks clout on China doorstep

Posted: 28 November 2011 1133 hrs 

 

WASHINGTON: US Secretary of State Hillary Clinton heads this week on a historic visit to Myanmar that aims not only to pry open the closed nation but to shake up the battle for global influence right on China's doorstep.

Clinton on Wednesday will become the top US official to visit the nation formerly known as Burma in more than 50 years as she tests the waters after dramatic -- but tentative -- reforms by the military-backed government.

Clinton is expected to meet both President Thein Sein and democracy icon Aung San Suu Kyi. She has said she will press for greater progress on human rights and democracy, without offering any let-up in biting US sanctions.

The United States has been careful not to raise expectations for a breakthrough. But Clinton's visit carries unmistakable symbolism as it seeks to advance US priorities in one of the countries most closely aligned with China.

Myanmar's "strategic importance to the United States is closely connected to concerns about rising Chinese influence," said John Ciorciari, an expert on Southeast Asia at the University of Michigan.

"To Beijing, Burma offers the possibility of natural resources and warm-water ports on the Indian Ocean that could be crucial in expanding China's naval reach," he said.

"Successful US engagement would lessen the likelihood of a strong Sino-Myanmar alignment in years ahead."

Beijing has provided the main diplomatic cover for Myanmar's leaders but the relationship is complicated, with some in the Southeast Asian nation resentful over China's overwhelming economic influence and historic border conflicts.

Myanmar recently defied China by shutting down work on an unpopular dam that would supply power across the border. Myanmar's leaders, known for deep distrust of the outside world, have reached out in recent years to India, Southeast Asia nations and, now, the United States.

For the United States, progress on Myanmar could help resolve a main stumbling block inside the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, giving new influence to the fast-growing -- and mostly US-friendly -- 10-nation bloc.

A stronger ASEAN would allow "China to grow and be secure but not use its new economic might to force neighbors' hands on issues related to sovereignty," said Ernie Bower of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

US President Barack Obama's administration, while saying it wants a cooperative relationship with a rising China, has recently gone on the offensive amid suspicions over Beijing's intentions.

Obama recently announced the stationing of US troops in Australia -- a clear sign of US priorities at a time of tight budgets -- and has pushed ahead a trans-Pacific free trade agreement that for now excludes China.

Myanmar's military seized power in 1962 but since last year has held elections, nominally handed power to civilians and freed Suu Kyi from house arrest. The new government has opened a dialogue with the opposition and ethnic minorities.

While the United States and the opposition were at first cynical about the moves, Suu Kyi's National League for Democracy recently said it will re-enter mainstream politics. The party won 1990 elections but was never allowed to take power.

Even the most upbeat US policymakers acknowledge that Washington's influence is limited in a country so fearful of outside invasion that it suddenly moved its capital to the remote outpost of Naypyidaw in 2005.

The United States bans virtually all trade with Myanmar and any decision to end sanctions would need approval from Congress, with which exile groups have worked closely for years to pressure the generals.

Walter Lohman of the Heritage Foundation, a conservative think-tank that is often critical of the administration, welcomed Obama's phone consultations with Suu Kyi before the decision on Clinton's visit.

"The fact that the president called and got her blessing and that they're tying their policy to her makes it a very difficult decision to criticize," Lohman said.

But Lohman doubted how much further Myanmar would reform, suspecting that the leadership's main interest was to ensure it will be the chair of ASEAN in 2014.

"My guess is that the regime is calculating exactly how far it can go to get all of these things it is looking for without going too far to accommodate the political opposition," Lohman said.



Source: http://www.channelnewsasia.com/stories/afp_asiapacific/view/1168033/1/.html